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The primary suspect in last week’s stabbing attack in Dublin had his application to remain in the state supported by two Irish NGOs, Gript Media can reveal. While the suspect cannot be named as he has yet to face any legal charges, the broad background of how he came to be living in Ireland is made clear in court records seen by Gript Media.

Those court records outline an almost decade-long legal saga, involving two Justice Ministers, multiple court applications, and a consistent pattern of refused applications on behalf of the suspect.

The suspect arrived in Ireland in August, 1999, and applied for asylum on the basis of what he claimed was a fear of being tortured by an Islamic Militant Group – the GIA (Groupe Islamique Armé) – if returned to Algeria. He told Irish authorities that he had been working in Algeria as a canteen assistant with an oil company, and that in the course of his work he had been kidnapped and tortured by four members of the GIA in late 1998 or early 1999. He claimed that this torture had taken place in order to get him to reveal details about a family member who worked for the Algerian Government.

The processing of the asylum application took two years. In August 2001, the suspect was informed by the authorities that he had received a negative recommendation for asylum. The suspect was then invited to make applications “in the ordinary way” outlining why, despite this negative recommendation, he should nevertheless be granted leave to remain.

He made no such application.

In 2003, two years after his application was refused, a deportation order was signed by the then Minister for Justice, now Senator, Michael McDowell. This order was conveyed by letter in March 2003. The suspect was ordered to present himself to the Garda National Immigration Bureau to arrange his deportation within a week of receiving the letter with the deportation order. By this time he had been in Ireland for almost four years.

He did not attend to arrange his own deportation, and was then classified by the authorities as an evader, meaning the Gardai were authorised to apprehend him. This, however, did not happen.

Indeed the suspect remained living openly in Ireland, and at an unknown date sought the assistance of two Irish NGOs working in the Asylum sector with his case. Both these NGOs continue to work in Ireland today, and one is relatively well known.

Between May 2003, and February 2004, court records show that several unsuccessful applications were made on behalf of the suspect – now under new legal representation – for extra time for an application for leave to remain, and for a quashing of the deportation order.

Each of these was refused by the courts. The state’s submissions noted that the suspect had repeatedly given inconsistent answers in relation to his case and that there were questions about his credibility.

However, the two NGOs, which Gript is not in a position to name openly due to legal issues around the present stabbing case, helped the suspect make yet another application, this time on the basis that the Minister had erred in law by not granting asylum.

One of the NGOs submitted to the courts a medical report which it claimed showed the lasting physical and psychological effects of the suspect’s alleged torture in Algeria.

The Irish state, in response, argued that while it accepted the the suspect had clearly endured torture in late 1998 or early 1999, the alleged torture had not been carried out by the Algerian state and that as such the suspect had nothing to fear in his home country. The state also argued that no new facts had been presented supporting the suspect’s case. By way of background, by this time the GIA – accused of carrying out the torture – was no longer an operational group in Algeria.

This court application also failed, and Minister McDowell reaffirmed the deportation order in October 2004. Despite that, two further years passed without the deportation order being carried out, and the suspect continued to live openly in Ireland with the deportation order in place, but unexecuted.

The suspect made a further application to challenge the order in 2006. This, too, was rejected, and he was denied leave to do so by the courts. The deportation order remained in effect. The suspect continued to live in Ireland.

In 2008, a further application was made to the Minister for Justice – by this time Fianna Fáil’s Brian Lenihan – to exercise his discretion and to grant an application for subsidiary protection for the suspect, which would grant him leave to remain in Ireland. The Minister, again, refused this application and the deportation order was reaffirmed. It had now been in place for five years, unenforced.

In that same year, the suspect challenged the Minister, again in the High Court, and again supported by the evidence of one of the two NGOs, on the grounds that the Minister had unfairly refused to use his discretion.

The main argument in that case was that the Minister for Justice’s refusal to exercise discretion and grant the suspect leave to remain in Ireland was an arbitrary decision, and inconsistent with previous decisions in similar cases. There was a specific argument made that the Minister, by refusing to use said discretion, had acted in a discriminatory manner because discretion had been granted to others – an argument described by the court as “unattractive”.

However, the court ruled that the Minister had erred by not noting the differences in the legal meaning of “serious harm” which arose on foot of a court ruling in 2007, and decided that a new and expanded definition of that phrase adopted by the courts should have been considered by the Minister in light of the 2008 application. It is notable that this new definition was not in place at the time of the original order, or at the time of any application made by the suspect up until 2008.

At each step, until the 2008 court decision, the state firmly opposed any and all efforts to grant the suspect leave to remain in Ireland. For nine years, he had lived here without permission to remain. However, it should be noted that no efforts are on record of the state attempting to enforce the deportation order which was live, and in place, for a full five years. For a period of time, the suspect was classified as an “evader” – somebody who is actively evading the law and avoiding their own deportation.

Nevertheless, and arguably as a result, it came to be that the state was compelled, finally, to grant subsidiary protection, and leave to remain. The suspect later became a naturalised Irish citizen. Gript Media understands that he was never able to hold down a job in Ireland, and was provided with housing by at least one Irish NGO, separate to the NGOs that aided him in his legal battle against deportation. He remains in a grave condition in a Dublin hospital, and Gript Media understands that he is not in a fit state to be arrested or questioned in connection with the events of last Thursday.

The NGOs involved with the suspect’s case have been contacted for further comment.

Important to keep in mind Ireland is an occupied country. See Palestine for their future. The government is run by English wankers who took the best parts and their production value for England's GDP.

The stabbing of innocent children in Ireland is not a stand alone incident.

The list of European children who were sacrificed on the altar of “diversity” is endless - and the people are fed up with it.

Breaking Points had an interesting take on the situation covering (Pat.net's favorite topic) the housing crisis.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Lwrg9uj9mTw

Azad Talukder, who serves as Cathaoirleach of the LCCC's Metropolitan District, suggested the protestors should be "shot in the head."

"I strongly believe that this is not the face of Ireland," Talukder said, according to the Limerick Post. "This is just some criminals looting the shops. I don't think they follow any ideological purpose. They come to the streets and just rob. They should get punishment."

"Not even an animal does these kind of thing," he added. "It is very shameful and they should get public punishment."

Talukder went on to state, in no uncertain terms, that he'd "like to see them shot in the head or bring the public in and beat them until they die."

His comments were quickly withdrawn after being objected to by Labour Party councillor Conor Sheehan, who reminded him that "you can’t call for people to be shot in the council chamber."

Talukder apologized, saying his emotions had gotten the better of him.

As the Immigrant Council reports, Talukder is originally from Bangladesh, and moved to Ireland in 2000 to start a family. Nearly 20 years later, he was elected as the first Muslim councillor in the nation's history.

That has got to be satire.

Ben Scallan tells the other side of Ireland's political unrest

'It is naive and incorrect to act like everybody who comes to our country is going to be benevolent and well meaning, and we should be able to point that out and have a conversation,' says Ben Scallan, a political correspondent for Ireland's Gript Media.

It is naive and incorrect to act like everybody who comes to our country is going to be benevolent and well meaning, and we should be able to point that out and have a conversation about that without being accused of being this kind of "phobe" or whatever else. And especially as we move into the era of mass migration in Canada, for example, there are no longer desk interviews, you no longer go and meet in person to apply to immigrate, it's all done over the computer, no one lays eyes on you. No one has a personal conversation. No one tests your reaction to things. There's no human element.

Why don't they Irish recall and vote out those politicians?